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		<id>http://encyclopedia.federalism.org/index.php?action=history&amp;feed=atom&amp;title=Scalia%2C_Antonin</id>
		<title>Scalia, Antonin - Revision history</title>
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		<updated>2026-04-29T20:12:34Z</updated>
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	<entry>
		<id>http://encyclopedia.federalism.org/index.php?title=Scalia,_Antonin&amp;diff=2374&amp;oldid=prev</id>
		<title>Admin at 01:19, 1 May 2019</title>
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				<updated>2019-05-01T01:19:57Z</updated>
		
		<summary type="html">&lt;p&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;table class=&quot;diff diff-contentalign-left&quot; data-mw=&quot;interface&quot;&gt;
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				&lt;td colspan='2' style=&quot;background-color: white; color:black; text-align: center;&quot;&gt;← Older revision&lt;/td&gt;
				&lt;td colspan='2' style=&quot;background-color: white; color:black; text-align: center;&quot;&gt;Revision as of 01:19, 1 May 2019&lt;/td&gt;
				&lt;/tr&gt;&lt;tr&gt;&lt;td colspan=&quot;2&quot; class=&quot;diff-lineno&quot; id=&quot;mw-diff-left-l1&quot; &gt;Line 1:&lt;/td&gt;
&lt;td colspan=&quot;2&quot; class=&quot;diff-lineno&quot;&gt;Line 1:&lt;/td&gt;&lt;/tr&gt;
&lt;tr&gt;&lt;td class='diff-marker'&gt;−&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td style=&quot;color:black; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #ffe49c; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;&quot;&gt;&lt;div&gt;In 1986 Antonin Scalia (1936–2016) was nominated by President Ronald Reagan to serve as associate justice of the Supreme Court of the United States. Since his appointment, Scalia’s votes have been slightly more favorable to the federal government in cases about federal-state relations than the votes of other justices appointed by Presidents Reagan and George H. W. Bush. However, his distinctive reading of the powers of Congress and the judiciary has challenged the premises of some national supremacist doctrines. Specifically, he has produced unique approaches to preemption and Commerce Clause doctrines, and he has endeavored to protect the jurisdiction of state judiciaries.&lt;/div&gt;&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td class='diff-marker'&gt;+&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td style=&quot;color:black; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #a3d3ff; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;&quot;&gt;&lt;div&gt;In 1986 Antonin Scalia (1936–2016) was nominated by President &lt;ins class=&quot;diffchange diffchange-inline&quot;&gt;[[Reagan, Ronald|&lt;/ins&gt;Ronald Reagan&lt;ins class=&quot;diffchange diffchange-inline&quot;&gt;]] &lt;/ins&gt;to serve as associate justice of the &lt;ins class=&quot;diffchange diffchange-inline&quot;&gt;[[U.S. Supreme Court|&lt;/ins&gt;Supreme Court of the United States&lt;ins class=&quot;diffchange diffchange-inline&quot;&gt;]]&lt;/ins&gt;. Since his appointment, Scalia’s votes have been slightly more favorable to the federal government in cases about federal-state relations than the votes of other justices appointed by Presidents Reagan and &lt;ins class=&quot;diffchange diffchange-inline&quot;&gt;[[Bush, George H.W.|&lt;/ins&gt;George H. W. Bush&lt;ins class=&quot;diffchange diffchange-inline&quot;&gt;]]&lt;/ins&gt;. However, his distinctive reading of the powers of &lt;ins class=&quot;diffchange diffchange-inline&quot;&gt;[[U.S. &lt;/ins&gt;Congress&lt;ins class=&quot;diffchange diffchange-inline&quot;&gt;|Congress]] &lt;/ins&gt;and the judiciary has challenged the premises of some national supremacist doctrines. Specifically, he has produced unique approaches to &lt;ins class=&quot;diffchange diffchange-inline&quot;&gt;[[&lt;/ins&gt;preemption&lt;ins class=&quot;diffchange diffchange-inline&quot;&gt;]] &lt;/ins&gt;and &lt;ins class=&quot;diffchange diffchange-inline&quot;&gt;[[Commerce among the States|&lt;/ins&gt;Commerce Clause&lt;ins class=&quot;diffchange diffchange-inline&quot;&gt;]] &lt;/ins&gt;doctrines, and he has endeavored to protect the jurisdiction of state judiciaries.&lt;/div&gt;&lt;/td&gt;&lt;/tr&gt;
&lt;tr&gt;&lt;td class='diff-marker'&gt;&amp;#160;&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td style=&quot;background-color: #f9f9f9; color: #333333; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #e6e6e6; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;&quot;&gt;&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td class='diff-marker'&gt;&amp;#160;&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td style=&quot;background-color: #f9f9f9; color: #333333; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #e6e6e6; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;&quot;&gt;&lt;/td&gt;&lt;/tr&gt;
&lt;tr&gt;&lt;td class='diff-marker'&gt;−&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td style=&quot;color:black; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #ffe49c; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;&quot;&gt;&lt;div&gt;In his opinions about federal preemption, which permits federal justices to void state laws when the federal law occupies the same “field,” Scalia has failed to spell out any affirmative constitutional limits to federal power over state policy making. Instead, he has examined precedents and engaged in statutory analysis to determine if there was a clear congressional effort to preempt state law. When he determined that Congress had specifically acted to preempt state authority, Scalia has voted for federal preemption (e.g., ''AT&amp;amp;T Corporation v. Iowa Utilities Board'' 1999). However, when he determined there was sufficient ambiguity in congressional language, he has written opinions (e.g., ''Printz v. United States'' 1997) or voted for the opinions of other justices (e.g., ''United States v. Lopez'' 1995 and ''United States v. Morrison'' 2000) that held the federal government interfered with the independence of state governments as protected by the Guarantee Clause or the Tenth Amendment.&lt;/div&gt;&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td class='diff-marker'&gt;+&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td style=&quot;color:black; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #a3d3ff; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;&quot;&gt;&lt;div&gt;In his opinions about federal preemption, which permits federal justices to void state laws when the federal law occupies the same “field,” Scalia has failed to spell out any affirmative constitutional limits to federal power over state policy making. Instead, he has examined precedents and engaged in statutory analysis to determine if there was a clear congressional effort to preempt state law. When he determined that Congress had specifically acted to preempt state authority, Scalia has voted for federal preemption (e.g., ''AT&amp;amp;T Corporation v. Iowa Utilities Board'' 1999). However, when he determined there was sufficient ambiguity in congressional language, he has written opinions (e.g., ''&lt;ins class=&quot;diffchange diffchange-inline&quot;&gt;[[&lt;/ins&gt;Printz v. United States&lt;ins class=&quot;diffchange diffchange-inline&quot;&gt;]]&lt;/ins&gt;'' 1997) or voted for the opinions of other justices (e.g., ''&lt;ins class=&quot;diffchange diffchange-inline&quot;&gt;[[&lt;/ins&gt;United States v. Lopez&lt;ins class=&quot;diffchange diffchange-inline&quot;&gt;]]&lt;/ins&gt;'' 1995 and ''&lt;ins class=&quot;diffchange diffchange-inline&quot;&gt;[[&lt;/ins&gt;United States v. Morrison&lt;ins class=&quot;diffchange diffchange-inline&quot;&gt;]]&lt;/ins&gt;'' 2000) that held the federal government interfered with the independence of state governments as protected by the Guarantee Clause or the &lt;ins class=&quot;diffchange diffchange-inline&quot;&gt;[[&lt;/ins&gt;Tenth Amendment&lt;ins class=&quot;diffchange diffchange-inline&quot;&gt;]]&lt;/ins&gt;.&lt;/div&gt;&lt;/td&gt;&lt;/tr&gt;
&lt;tr&gt;&lt;td class='diff-marker'&gt;&amp;#160;&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td style=&quot;background-color: #f9f9f9; color: #333333; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #e6e6e6; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;&quot;&gt;&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td class='diff-marker'&gt;&amp;#160;&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td style=&quot;background-color: #f9f9f9; color: #333333; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #e6e6e6; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;&quot;&gt;&lt;/td&gt;&lt;/tr&gt;
&lt;tr&gt;&lt;td class='diff-marker'&gt;&amp;#160;&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td style=&quot;background-color: #f9f9f9; color: #333333; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #e6e6e6; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;&quot;&gt;&lt;div&gt;[[File:Scalia, Antonin.png|thumb|Antonin Scalia. Collection, The Supreme Court Historical Society. Photographed by Joseph D. Lavenburg.]]&lt;/div&gt;&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td class='diff-marker'&gt;&amp;#160;&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td style=&quot;background-color: #f9f9f9; color: #333333; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #e6e6e6; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;&quot;&gt;&lt;div&gt;[[File:Scalia, Antonin.png|thumb|Antonin Scalia. Collection, The Supreme Court Historical Society. Photographed by Joseph D. Lavenburg.]]&lt;/div&gt;&lt;/td&gt;&lt;/tr&gt;
&lt;tr&gt;&lt;td class='diff-marker'&gt;&amp;#160;&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td style=&quot;background-color: #f9f9f9; color: #333333; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #e6e6e6; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;&quot;&gt;&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td class='diff-marker'&gt;&amp;#160;&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td style=&quot;background-color: #f9f9f9; color: #333333; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #e6e6e6; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;&quot;&gt;&lt;/td&gt;&lt;/tr&gt;
&lt;tr&gt;&lt;td class='diff-marker'&gt;−&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td style=&quot;color:black; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #ffe49c; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;&quot;&gt;&lt;div&gt;Scalia has campaigned to eliminate “negative” or “dormant” Commerce Clause doctrine. This doctrine permits federal courts to void a state government’s legislation that has a discriminatory effect on interstate commerce—even when Congress has not legislated on the subject of state legislation. The doctrine has required the justices balance either the extent of the “facial discrimination” or the “undue burden” of a state regulation of interstate commerce against the value of states’ interests. Scalia’s distaste for balancing and the unbounded discretion it affords judges has caused him to call for a bright legal line—a simple determination of whether a state law discriminates against out-of-state interests. In ''Tyler Pipe Industries v. Washington State Department of Revenue'' (1987), he stated that the justices should not extend any dormant Commerce Clause doctrine and should confine their judgments to “rank discrimination against citizens of other states.” In subsequent opinions, he has elaborated his concern with limiting a dormant Commerce Clause to facial discrimination by a state against commerce originating out of state and to restrictions on state regulation of commerce established in precedent cases (e.g., ''West Lynn Creamery v. Healy'' 1994, ''Oklahoma Tax Commission v. Jefferson Lines'' 1995, and ''General Motors v. Tracy'' 1997).&lt;/div&gt;&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td class='diff-marker'&gt;+&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td style=&quot;color:black; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #a3d3ff; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;&quot;&gt;&lt;div&gt;Scalia has campaigned to eliminate “negative” or “dormant” Commerce Clause doctrine. This doctrine permits federal courts to void a state government’s legislation that has a discriminatory effect on interstate commerce—even when Congress has not legislated on the subject of state legislation. The doctrine has required the justices balance either the extent of the “facial discrimination” or the “undue burden” of a state regulation of interstate commerce against the value of states’ interests. Scalia’s distaste for balancing and the unbounded discretion it affords judges has caused him to call for a bright legal line—a simple determination of whether a state law discriminates against out-of-state interests. In ''Tyler Pipe Industries v. Washington State Department of Revenue'' (1987), he stated that the justices should not extend any &lt;ins class=&quot;diffchange diffchange-inline&quot;&gt;[[&lt;/ins&gt;dormant Commerce Clause&lt;ins class=&quot;diffchange diffchange-inline&quot;&gt;]] &lt;/ins&gt;doctrine and should confine their judgments to “rank discrimination against citizens of other states.” In subsequent opinions, he has elaborated his concern with limiting a dormant Commerce Clause to facial discrimination by a state against commerce originating out of state and to restrictions on state regulation of commerce established in precedent cases (e.g., ''West Lynn Creamery v. Healy'' 1994, ''Oklahoma Tax Commission v. Jefferson Lines'' 1995, and ''General Motors v. Tracy'' 1997).&lt;/div&gt;&lt;/td&gt;&lt;/tr&gt;
&lt;tr&gt;&lt;td class='diff-marker'&gt;&amp;#160;&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td style=&quot;background-color: #f9f9f9; color: #333333; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #e6e6e6; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;&quot;&gt;&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td class='diff-marker'&gt;&amp;#160;&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td style=&quot;background-color: #f9f9f9; color: #333333; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #e6e6e6; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;&quot;&gt;&lt;/td&gt;&lt;/tr&gt;
&lt;tr&gt;&lt;td class='diff-marker'&gt;−&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td style=&quot;color:black; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #ffe49c; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;&quot;&gt;&lt;div&gt;Scalia has addressed the independent authority of state courts and the nature of federal judicial supremacy, especially in cases about the Eleventh Amendment and Article III of the Constitution. In ''Hans v. Louisiana'' (1890), the Court extended the meaning of the Eleventh Amendment to prevent suits in federal court against a state by its own citizens without the state’s consent. Scalia has accepted congressional authority to develop statutory provisions that selectively override the Hans limitation. However, he dissented when the majority reduced the power of the states to consent to suits. He concluded that Hans served a valuable function in the preservation of state sovereignty and the system of federalism (e.g., ''Pennsylvania v. Union Gas Company'' 1989). When private parties in a suit are citizens of different states, under Article III of the Constitution they can sue in federal rather than state court. Since 1938 the Supreme Court has sought to limit litigants’ efforts to shop for a federal or state forum using legal standards favorable to their case. In several opinions, Scalia has endeavored to further frustrate efforts to manipulate forum selection.&lt;/div&gt;&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td class='diff-marker'&gt;+&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td style=&quot;color:black; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #a3d3ff; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;&quot;&gt;&lt;div&gt;Scalia has addressed the independent authority of state courts and the nature of federal judicial supremacy, especially in cases about the Eleventh Amendment and Article III of the Constitution. In ''Hans v. Louisiana'' (1890), the Court extended the meaning of the Eleventh Amendment to prevent suits in federal court against a state by its own citizens without the state’s consent. Scalia has accepted congressional authority to develop statutory provisions that selectively override the Hans limitation. However, he dissented when the majority reduced the power of the states to consent to suits. He concluded that Hans served a valuable function in the preservation of state sovereignty and the system of &lt;ins class=&quot;diffchange diffchange-inline&quot;&gt;[[&lt;/ins&gt;federalism&lt;ins class=&quot;diffchange diffchange-inline&quot;&gt;]] &lt;/ins&gt;(e.g., ''Pennsylvania v. Union Gas Company'' 1989). When private parties in a suit are citizens of different states, under Article III of the Constitution they can sue in federal rather than state court. Since 1938 the Supreme Court has sought to limit litigants’ efforts to shop for a federal or state forum using legal standards favorable to their case. In several opinions, Scalia has endeavored to further frustrate efforts to manipulate forum selection.&lt;/div&gt;&lt;/td&gt;&lt;/tr&gt;
&lt;tr&gt;&lt;td class='diff-marker'&gt;&amp;#160;&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td style=&quot;background-color: #f9f9f9; color: #333333; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #e6e6e6; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;&quot;&gt;&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td class='diff-marker'&gt;&amp;#160;&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td style=&quot;background-color: #f9f9f9; color: #333333; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #e6e6e6; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;&quot;&gt;&lt;/td&gt;&lt;/tr&gt;
&lt;tr&gt;&lt;td class='diff-marker'&gt;&amp;#160;&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td style=&quot;background-color: #f9f9f9; color: #333333; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #e6e6e6; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;&quot;&gt;&lt;div&gt;Therefore, in his interpretation of the range of federal and state governmental powers, Scalia has used requirements for congressional clarity in law writing, hostility to balancing of interests by judges, and precedent—all tools of judicial interpretation—rather than a precise constitutional definition or reliance on original texts. &amp;#160;&lt;/div&gt;&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td class='diff-marker'&gt;&amp;#160;&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td style=&quot;background-color: #f9f9f9; color: #333333; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #e6e6e6; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;&quot;&gt;&lt;div&gt;Therefore, in his interpretation of the range of federal and state governmental powers, Scalia has used requirements for congressional clarity in law writing, hostility to balancing of interests by judges, and precedent—all tools of judicial interpretation—rather than a precise constitutional definition or reliance on original texts. &amp;#160;&lt;/div&gt;&lt;/td&gt;&lt;/tr&gt;
&lt;/table&gt;</summary>
		<author><name>Admin</name></author>	</entry>

	<entry>
		<id>http://encyclopedia.federalism.org/index.php?title=Scalia,_Antonin&amp;diff=1083&amp;oldid=prev</id>
		<title>Admin at 21:09, 17 October 2017</title>
		<link rel="alternate" type="text/html" href="http://encyclopedia.federalism.org/index.php?title=Scalia,_Antonin&amp;diff=1083&amp;oldid=prev"/>
				<updated>2017-10-17T21:09:30Z</updated>
		
		<summary type="html">&lt;p&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
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				&lt;td colspan='2' style=&quot;background-color: white; color:black; text-align: center;&quot;&gt;← Older revision&lt;/td&gt;
				&lt;td colspan='2' style=&quot;background-color: white; color:black; text-align: center;&quot;&gt;Revision as of 21:09, 17 October 2017&lt;/td&gt;
				&lt;/tr&gt;&lt;tr&gt;&lt;td colspan=&quot;2&quot; class=&quot;diff-lineno&quot; id=&quot;mw-diff-left-l20&quot; &gt;Line 20:&lt;/td&gt;
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&lt;tr&gt;&lt;td class='diff-marker'&gt;&amp;#160;&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td style=&quot;background-color: #f9f9f9; color: #333333; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #e6e6e6; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;&quot;&gt;&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td class='diff-marker'&gt;&amp;#160;&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td style=&quot;background-color: #f9f9f9; color: #333333; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #e6e6e6; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;&quot;&gt;&lt;/td&gt;&lt;/tr&gt;
&lt;tr&gt;&lt;td class='diff-marker'&gt;&amp;#160;&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td style=&quot;background-color: #f9f9f9; color: #333333; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #e6e6e6; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;&quot;&gt;&lt;div&gt;==== Richard A. Brisbin Jr. ====&lt;/div&gt;&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td class='diff-marker'&gt;&amp;#160;&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td style=&quot;background-color: #f9f9f9; color: #333333; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #e6e6e6; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;&quot;&gt;&lt;div&gt;==== Richard A. Brisbin Jr. ====&lt;/div&gt;&lt;/td&gt;&lt;/tr&gt;
&lt;tr&gt;&lt;td colspan=&quot;2&quot;&gt;&amp;#160;&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td class='diff-marker'&gt;+&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td style=&quot;color:black; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #a3d3ff; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;&quot;&gt;&lt;div&gt;&lt;ins style=&quot;font-weight: bold; text-decoration: none;&quot;&gt;Last updated: August 2017&lt;/ins&gt;&lt;/div&gt;&lt;/td&gt;&lt;/tr&gt;
&lt;tr&gt;&lt;td class='diff-marker'&gt;&amp;#160;&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td style=&quot;background-color: #f9f9f9; color: #333333; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #e6e6e6; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;&quot;&gt;&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td class='diff-marker'&gt;&amp;#160;&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td style=&quot;background-color: #f9f9f9; color: #333333; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #e6e6e6; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;&quot;&gt;&lt;/td&gt;&lt;/tr&gt;
&lt;tr&gt;&lt;td class='diff-marker'&gt;&amp;#160;&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td style=&quot;background-color: #f9f9f9; color: #333333; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #e6e6e6; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;&quot;&gt;&lt;div&gt;SEE ALSO: [[Commerce among the States]]; [[Diversity of Citizenship Jurisdiction]]; [[New Judicial Federalism]]; [[Preemption]]; [[Sovereign Immunity]]; [[United States v. Lopez]]; [[United States v. Morrison]]; [[United States v. Printz]]; [[Gonzales v. Raich]]; [[District of Columbia v. Heller]]&lt;/div&gt;&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td class='diff-marker'&gt;&amp;#160;&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td style=&quot;background-color: #f9f9f9; color: #333333; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #e6e6e6; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;&quot;&gt;&lt;div&gt;SEE ALSO: [[Commerce among the States]]; [[Diversity of Citizenship Jurisdiction]]; [[New Judicial Federalism]]; [[Preemption]]; [[Sovereign Immunity]]; [[United States v. Lopez]]; [[United States v. Morrison]]; [[United States v. Printz]]; [[Gonzales v. Raich]]; [[District of Columbia v. Heller]]&lt;/div&gt;&lt;/td&gt;&lt;/tr&gt;
&lt;/table&gt;</summary>
		<author><name>Admin</name></author>	</entry>

	<entry>
		<id>http://encyclopedia.federalism.org/index.php?title=Scalia,_Antonin&amp;diff=759&amp;oldid=prev</id>
		<title>Tes26 at 21:29, 19 September 2017</title>
		<link rel="alternate" type="text/html" href="http://encyclopedia.federalism.org/index.php?title=Scalia,_Antonin&amp;diff=759&amp;oldid=prev"/>
				<updated>2017-09-19T21:29:14Z</updated>
		
		<summary type="html">&lt;p&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;table class=&quot;diff diff-contentalign-left&quot; data-mw=&quot;interface&quot;&gt;
				&lt;col class='diff-marker' /&gt;
				&lt;col class='diff-content' /&gt;
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				&lt;td colspan='2' style=&quot;background-color: white; color:black; text-align: center;&quot;&gt;← Older revision&lt;/td&gt;
				&lt;td colspan='2' style=&quot;background-color: white; color:black; text-align: center;&quot;&gt;Revision as of 21:29, 19 September 2017&lt;/td&gt;
				&lt;/tr&gt;&lt;tr&gt;&lt;td colspan=&quot;2&quot; class=&quot;diff-lineno&quot; id=&quot;mw-diff-left-l21&quot; &gt;Line 21:&lt;/td&gt;
&lt;td colspan=&quot;2&quot; class=&quot;diff-lineno&quot;&gt;Line 21:&lt;/td&gt;&lt;/tr&gt;
&lt;tr&gt;&lt;td class='diff-marker'&gt;&amp;#160;&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td style=&quot;background-color: #f9f9f9; color: #333333; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #e6e6e6; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;&quot;&gt;&lt;div&gt;==== Richard A. Brisbin Jr. ====&lt;/div&gt;&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td class='diff-marker'&gt;&amp;#160;&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td style=&quot;background-color: #f9f9f9; color: #333333; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #e6e6e6; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;&quot;&gt;&lt;div&gt;==== Richard A. Brisbin Jr. ====&lt;/div&gt;&lt;/td&gt;&lt;/tr&gt;
&lt;tr&gt;&lt;td class='diff-marker'&gt;&amp;#160;&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td style=&quot;background-color: #f9f9f9; color: #333333; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #e6e6e6; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;&quot;&gt;&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td class='diff-marker'&gt;&amp;#160;&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td style=&quot;background-color: #f9f9f9; color: #333333; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #e6e6e6; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;&quot;&gt;&lt;/td&gt;&lt;/tr&gt;
&lt;tr&gt;&lt;td class='diff-marker'&gt;−&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td style=&quot;color:black; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #ffe49c; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;&quot;&gt;&lt;div&gt;SEE ALSO: [[Commerce among the States]]; [[Diversity of Citizenship Jurisdiction]]; [[New Judicial Federalism]]; [[Preemption]]; [[Sovereign Immunity]]; [[United States v. Lopez]]; [[United States v. Morrison]]; [[United States v. Printz]]&lt;/div&gt;&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td class='diff-marker'&gt;+&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td style=&quot;color:black; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #a3d3ff; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;&quot;&gt;&lt;div&gt;SEE ALSO: [[Commerce among the States]]; [[Diversity of Citizenship Jurisdiction]]; [[New Judicial Federalism]]; [[Preemption]]; [[Sovereign Immunity]]; [[United States v. Lopez]]; [[United States v. Morrison]]; [[United States v. Printz&lt;ins class=&quot;diffchange diffchange-inline&quot;&gt;]]; [[Gonzales v. Raich]]; [[District of Columbia v. Heller&lt;/ins&gt;]]&lt;/div&gt;&lt;/td&gt;&lt;/tr&gt;
&lt;/table&gt;</summary>
		<author><name>Tes26</name></author>	</entry>

	<entry>
		<id>http://encyclopedia.federalism.org/index.php?title=Scalia,_Antonin&amp;diff=758&amp;oldid=prev</id>
		<title>Tes26 at 21:27, 19 September 2017</title>
		<link rel="alternate" type="text/html" href="http://encyclopedia.federalism.org/index.php?title=Scalia,_Antonin&amp;diff=758&amp;oldid=prev"/>
				<updated>2017-09-19T21:27:19Z</updated>
		
		<summary type="html">&lt;p&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;table class=&quot;diff diff-contentalign-left&quot; data-mw=&quot;interface&quot;&gt;
				&lt;col class='diff-marker' /&gt;
				&lt;col class='diff-content' /&gt;
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				&lt;td colspan='2' style=&quot;background-color: white; color:black; text-align: center;&quot;&gt;← Older revision&lt;/td&gt;
				&lt;td colspan='2' style=&quot;background-color: white; color:black; text-align: center;&quot;&gt;Revision as of 21:27, 19 September 2017&lt;/td&gt;
				&lt;/tr&gt;&lt;tr&gt;&lt;td colspan=&quot;2&quot; class=&quot;diff-lineno&quot; id=&quot;mw-diff-left-l1&quot; &gt;Line 1:&lt;/td&gt;
&lt;td colspan=&quot;2&quot; class=&quot;diff-lineno&quot;&gt;Line 1:&lt;/td&gt;&lt;/tr&gt;
&lt;tr&gt;&lt;td class='diff-marker'&gt;−&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td style=&quot;color:black; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #ffe49c; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;&quot;&gt;&lt;div&gt;In 1986 Antonin Scalia (&lt;del class=&quot;diffchange diffchange-inline&quot;&gt;1936– &lt;/del&gt;) was nominated by President Ronald Reagan to serve as associate justice of the Supreme Court of the United States. Since his appointment, Scalia’s votes have been slightly more favorable to the federal government in cases about federal-state relations than the votes of other justices appointed by Presidents Reagan and George H. W. Bush. However, his distinctive reading of the powers of Congress and the judiciary has challenged the premises of some national supremacist doctrines. Specifically, he has produced unique approaches to preemption and Commerce Clause doctrines, and he has endeavored to protect the jurisdiction of state judiciaries.&lt;/div&gt;&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td class='diff-marker'&gt;+&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td style=&quot;color:black; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #a3d3ff; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;&quot;&gt;&lt;div&gt;In 1986 Antonin Scalia (&lt;ins class=&quot;diffchange diffchange-inline&quot;&gt;1936–2016&lt;/ins&gt;) was nominated by President Ronald Reagan to serve as associate justice of the Supreme Court of the United States. Since his appointment, Scalia’s votes have been slightly more favorable to the federal government in cases about federal-state relations than the votes of other justices appointed by Presidents Reagan and George H. W. Bush. However, his distinctive reading of the powers of Congress and the judiciary has challenged the premises of some national supremacist doctrines. Specifically, he has produced unique approaches to preemption and Commerce Clause doctrines, and he has endeavored to protect the jurisdiction of state judiciaries.&lt;/div&gt;&lt;/td&gt;&lt;/tr&gt;
&lt;tr&gt;&lt;td class='diff-marker'&gt;&amp;#160;&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td style=&quot;background-color: #f9f9f9; color: #333333; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #e6e6e6; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;&quot;&gt;&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td class='diff-marker'&gt;&amp;#160;&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td style=&quot;background-color: #f9f9f9; color: #333333; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #e6e6e6; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;&quot;&gt;&lt;/td&gt;&lt;/tr&gt;
&lt;tr&gt;&lt;td class='diff-marker'&gt;&amp;#160;&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td style=&quot;background-color: #f9f9f9; color: #333333; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #e6e6e6; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;&quot;&gt;&lt;div&gt;In his opinions about federal preemption, which permits federal justices to void state laws when the federal law occupies the same “field,” Scalia has failed to spell out any affirmative constitutional limits to federal power over state policy making. Instead, he has examined precedents and engaged in statutory analysis to determine if there was a clear congressional effort to preempt state law. When he determined that Congress had specifically acted to preempt state authority, Scalia has voted for federal preemption (e.g., ''AT&amp;amp;T Corporation v. Iowa Utilities Board'' 1999). However, when he determined there was sufficient ambiguity in congressional language, he has written opinions (e.g., ''Printz v. United States'' 1997) or voted for the opinions of other justices (e.g., ''United States v. Lopez'' 1995 and ''United States v. Morrison'' 2000) that held the federal government interfered with the independence of state governments as protected by the Guarantee Clause or the Tenth Amendment.&lt;/div&gt;&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td class='diff-marker'&gt;&amp;#160;&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td style=&quot;background-color: #f9f9f9; color: #333333; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #e6e6e6; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;&quot;&gt;&lt;div&gt;In his opinions about federal preemption, which permits federal justices to void state laws when the federal law occupies the same “field,” Scalia has failed to spell out any affirmative constitutional limits to federal power over state policy making. Instead, he has examined precedents and engaged in statutory analysis to determine if there was a clear congressional effort to preempt state law. When he determined that Congress had specifically acted to preempt state authority, Scalia has voted for federal preemption (e.g., ''AT&amp;amp;T Corporation v. Iowa Utilities Board'' 1999). However, when he determined there was sufficient ambiguity in congressional language, he has written opinions (e.g., ''Printz v. United States'' 1997) or voted for the opinions of other justices (e.g., ''United States v. Lopez'' 1995 and ''United States v. Morrison'' 2000) that held the federal government interfered with the independence of state governments as protected by the Guarantee Clause or the Tenth Amendment.&lt;/div&gt;&lt;/td&gt;&lt;/tr&gt;
&lt;tr&gt;&lt;td colspan=&quot;2&quot; class=&quot;diff-lineno&quot; id=&quot;mw-diff-left-l10&quot; &gt;Line 10:&lt;/td&gt;
&lt;td colspan=&quot;2&quot; class=&quot;diff-lineno&quot;&gt;Line 10:&lt;/td&gt;&lt;/tr&gt;
&lt;tr&gt;&lt;td class='diff-marker'&gt;&amp;#160;&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td style=&quot;background-color: #f9f9f9; color: #333333; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #e6e6e6; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;&quot;&gt;&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td class='diff-marker'&gt;&amp;#160;&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td style=&quot;background-color: #f9f9f9; color: #333333; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #e6e6e6; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;&quot;&gt;&lt;/td&gt;&lt;/tr&gt;
&lt;tr&gt;&lt;td class='diff-marker'&gt;&amp;#160;&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td style=&quot;background-color: #f9f9f9; color: #333333; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #e6e6e6; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;&quot;&gt;&lt;div&gt;Therefore, in his interpretation of the range of federal and state governmental powers, Scalia has used requirements for congressional clarity in law writing, hostility to balancing of interests by judges, and precedent—all tools of judicial interpretation—rather than a precise constitutional definition or reliance on original texts. &amp;#160;&lt;/div&gt;&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td class='diff-marker'&gt;&amp;#160;&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td style=&quot;background-color: #f9f9f9; color: #333333; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #e6e6e6; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;&quot;&gt;&lt;div&gt;Therefore, in his interpretation of the range of federal and state governmental powers, Scalia has used requirements for congressional clarity in law writing, hostility to balancing of interests by judges, and precedent—all tools of judicial interpretation—rather than a precise constitutional definition or reliance on original texts. &amp;#160;&lt;/div&gt;&lt;/td&gt;&lt;/tr&gt;
&lt;tr&gt;&lt;td colspan=&quot;2&quot;&gt;&amp;#160;&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td class='diff-marker'&gt;+&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td style=&quot;color:black; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #a3d3ff; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;&quot;&gt;&lt;div&gt;&lt;ins style=&quot;font-weight: bold; text-decoration: none;&quot;&gt;&lt;/ins&gt;&lt;/div&gt;&lt;/td&gt;&lt;/tr&gt;
&lt;tr&gt;&lt;td colspan=&quot;2&quot;&gt;&amp;#160;&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td class='diff-marker'&gt;+&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td style=&quot;color:black; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #a3d3ff; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;&quot;&gt;&lt;div&gt;&lt;ins style=&quot;font-weight: bold; text-decoration: none;&quot;&gt;After nearly 30 years on the U.S. Supreme Court, Justice Scalia passed away in February 2016.&amp;#160; His seat was filled by Justice Neal Gorsuch in April 2017. &lt;/ins&gt;&lt;/div&gt;&lt;/td&gt;&lt;/tr&gt;
&lt;tr&gt;&lt;td class='diff-marker'&gt;&amp;#160;&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td style=&quot;background-color: #f9f9f9; color: #333333; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #e6e6e6; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;&quot;&gt;&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td class='diff-marker'&gt;&amp;#160;&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td style=&quot;background-color: #f9f9f9; color: #333333; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #e6e6e6; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;&quot;&gt;&lt;/td&gt;&lt;/tr&gt;
&lt;tr&gt;&lt;td class='diff-marker'&gt;&amp;#160;&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td style=&quot;background-color: #f9f9f9; color: #333333; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #e6e6e6; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;&quot;&gt;&lt;div&gt;{| class=&amp;quot;wikitable&amp;quot;&lt;/div&gt;&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td class='diff-marker'&gt;&amp;#160;&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td style=&quot;background-color: #f9f9f9; color: #333333; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #e6e6e6; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;&quot;&gt;&lt;div&gt;{| class=&amp;quot;wikitable&amp;quot;&lt;/div&gt;&lt;/td&gt;&lt;/tr&gt;
&lt;/table&gt;</summary>
		<author><name>Tes26</name></author>	</entry>

	<entry>
		<id>http://encyclopedia.federalism.org/index.php?title=Scalia,_Antonin&amp;diff=718&amp;oldid=prev</id>
		<title>Nicole at 15:50, 7 February 2017</title>
		<link rel="alternate" type="text/html" href="http://encyclopedia.federalism.org/index.php?title=Scalia,_Antonin&amp;diff=718&amp;oldid=prev"/>
				<updated>2017-02-07T15:50:28Z</updated>
		
		<summary type="html">&lt;p&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;table class=&quot;diff diff-contentalign-left&quot; data-mw=&quot;interface&quot;&gt;
				&lt;col class='diff-marker' /&gt;
				&lt;col class='diff-content' /&gt;
				&lt;col class='diff-marker' /&gt;
				&lt;col class='diff-content' /&gt;
				&lt;tr style='vertical-align: top;' lang='en'&gt;
				&lt;td colspan='2' style=&quot;background-color: white; color:black; text-align: center;&quot;&gt;← Older revision&lt;/td&gt;
				&lt;td colspan='2' style=&quot;background-color: white; color:black; text-align: center;&quot;&gt;Revision as of 15:50, 7 February 2017&lt;/td&gt;
				&lt;/tr&gt;&lt;tr&gt;&lt;td colspan=&quot;2&quot; class=&quot;diff-lineno&quot; id=&quot;mw-diff-left-l3&quot; &gt;Line 3:&lt;/td&gt;
&lt;td colspan=&quot;2&quot; class=&quot;diff-lineno&quot;&gt;Line 3:&lt;/td&gt;&lt;/tr&gt;
&lt;tr&gt;&lt;td class='diff-marker'&gt;&amp;#160;&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td style=&quot;background-color: #f9f9f9; color: #333333; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #e6e6e6; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;&quot;&gt;&lt;div&gt;In his opinions about federal preemption, which permits federal justices to void state laws when the federal law occupies the same “field,” Scalia has failed to spell out any affirmative constitutional limits to federal power over state policy making. Instead, he has examined precedents and engaged in statutory analysis to determine if there was a clear congressional effort to preempt state law. When he determined that Congress had specifically acted to preempt state authority, Scalia has voted for federal preemption (e.g., ''AT&amp;amp;T Corporation v. Iowa Utilities Board'' 1999). However, when he determined there was sufficient ambiguity in congressional language, he has written opinions (e.g., ''Printz v. United States'' 1997) or voted for the opinions of other justices (e.g., ''United States v. Lopez'' 1995 and ''United States v. Morrison'' 2000) that held the federal government interfered with the independence of state governments as protected by the Guarantee Clause or the Tenth Amendment.&lt;/div&gt;&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td class='diff-marker'&gt;&amp;#160;&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td style=&quot;background-color: #f9f9f9; color: #333333; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #e6e6e6; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;&quot;&gt;&lt;div&gt;In his opinions about federal preemption, which permits federal justices to void state laws when the federal law occupies the same “field,” Scalia has failed to spell out any affirmative constitutional limits to federal power over state policy making. Instead, he has examined precedents and engaged in statutory analysis to determine if there was a clear congressional effort to preempt state law. When he determined that Congress had specifically acted to preempt state authority, Scalia has voted for federal preemption (e.g., ''AT&amp;amp;T Corporation v. Iowa Utilities Board'' 1999). However, when he determined there was sufficient ambiguity in congressional language, he has written opinions (e.g., ''Printz v. United States'' 1997) or voted for the opinions of other justices (e.g., ''United States v. Lopez'' 1995 and ''United States v. Morrison'' 2000) that held the federal government interfered with the independence of state governments as protected by the Guarantee Clause or the Tenth Amendment.&lt;/div&gt;&lt;/td&gt;&lt;/tr&gt;
&lt;tr&gt;&lt;td class='diff-marker'&gt;&amp;#160;&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td style=&quot;background-color: #f9f9f9; color: #333333; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #e6e6e6; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;&quot;&gt;&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td class='diff-marker'&gt;&amp;#160;&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td style=&quot;background-color: #f9f9f9; color: #333333; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #e6e6e6; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;&quot;&gt;&lt;/td&gt;&lt;/tr&gt;
&lt;tr&gt;&lt;td class='diff-marker'&gt;−&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td style=&quot;color:black; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #ffe49c; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;&quot;&gt;&lt;div&gt;&lt;del class=&quot;diffchange diffchange-inline&quot;&gt;&amp;lt;gallery&amp;gt;&lt;/del&gt;&lt;/div&gt;&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td class='diff-marker'&gt;+&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td style=&quot;color:black; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #a3d3ff; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;&quot;&gt;&lt;div&gt;&lt;ins class=&quot;diffchange diffchange-inline&quot;&gt;[[File:&lt;/ins&gt;Scalia, Antonin.png&lt;ins class=&quot;diffchange diffchange-inline&quot;&gt;|thumb&lt;/ins&gt;|Antonin Scalia. Collection, The Supreme Court Historical Society. Photographed by Joseph D. Lavenburg.&lt;ins class=&quot;diffchange diffchange-inline&quot;&gt;]]&lt;/ins&gt;&lt;/div&gt;&lt;/td&gt;&lt;/tr&gt;
&lt;tr&gt;&lt;td class='diff-marker'&gt;−&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td style=&quot;color:black; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #ffe49c; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;&quot;&gt;&lt;div&gt;Scalia, Antonin.png|Antonin Scalia. Collection, The Supreme Court Historical Society. Photographed by Joseph D. Lavenburg.&lt;/div&gt;&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td colspan=&quot;2&quot;&gt;&amp;#160;&lt;/td&gt;&lt;/tr&gt;
&lt;tr&gt;&lt;td class='diff-marker'&gt;−&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td style=&quot;color:black; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #ffe49c; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;&quot;&gt;&lt;div&gt;&lt;del class=&quot;diffchange diffchange-inline&quot;&gt;&amp;lt;/gallery&amp;gt;&lt;/del&gt;&lt;/div&gt;&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td colspan=&quot;2&quot;&gt;&amp;#160;&lt;/td&gt;&lt;/tr&gt;
&lt;tr&gt;&lt;td class='diff-marker'&gt;&amp;#160;&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td style=&quot;background-color: #f9f9f9; color: #333333; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #e6e6e6; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;&quot;&gt;&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td class='diff-marker'&gt;&amp;#160;&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td style=&quot;background-color: #f9f9f9; color: #333333; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #e6e6e6; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;&quot;&gt;&lt;/td&gt;&lt;/tr&gt;
&lt;tr&gt;&lt;td class='diff-marker'&gt;&amp;#160;&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td style=&quot;background-color: #f9f9f9; color: #333333; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #e6e6e6; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;&quot;&gt;&lt;div&gt;Scalia has campaigned to eliminate “negative” or “dormant” Commerce Clause doctrine. This doctrine permits federal courts to void a state government’s legislation that has a discriminatory effect on interstate commerce—even when Congress has not legislated on the subject of state legislation. The doctrine has required the justices balance either the extent of the “facial discrimination” or the “undue burden” of a state regulation of interstate commerce against the value of states’ interests. Scalia’s distaste for balancing and the unbounded discretion it affords judges has caused him to call for a bright legal line—a simple determination of whether a state law discriminates against out-of-state interests. In ''Tyler Pipe Industries v. Washington State Department of Revenue'' (1987), he stated that the justices should not extend any dormant Commerce Clause doctrine and should confine their judgments to “rank discrimination against citizens of other states.” In subsequent opinions, he has elaborated his concern with limiting a dormant Commerce Clause to facial discrimination by a state against commerce originating out of state and to restrictions on state regulation of commerce established in precedent cases (e.g., ''West Lynn Creamery v. Healy'' 1994, ''Oklahoma Tax Commission v. Jefferson Lines'' 1995, and ''General Motors v. Tracy'' 1997).&lt;/div&gt;&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td class='diff-marker'&gt;&amp;#160;&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td style=&quot;background-color: #f9f9f9; color: #333333; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #e6e6e6; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;&quot;&gt;&lt;div&gt;Scalia has campaigned to eliminate “negative” or “dormant” Commerce Clause doctrine. This doctrine permits federal courts to void a state government’s legislation that has a discriminatory effect on interstate commerce—even when Congress has not legislated on the subject of state legislation. The doctrine has required the justices balance either the extent of the “facial discrimination” or the “undue burden” of a state regulation of interstate commerce against the value of states’ interests. Scalia’s distaste for balancing and the unbounded discretion it affords judges has caused him to call for a bright legal line—a simple determination of whether a state law discriminates against out-of-state interests. In ''Tyler Pipe Industries v. Washington State Department of Revenue'' (1987), he stated that the justices should not extend any dormant Commerce Clause doctrine and should confine their judgments to “rank discrimination against citizens of other states.” In subsequent opinions, he has elaborated his concern with limiting a dormant Commerce Clause to facial discrimination by a state against commerce originating out of state and to restrictions on state regulation of commerce established in precedent cases (e.g., ''West Lynn Creamery v. Healy'' 1994, ''Oklahoma Tax Commission v. Jefferson Lines'' 1995, and ''General Motors v. Tracy'' 1997).&lt;/div&gt;&lt;/td&gt;&lt;/tr&gt;
&lt;/table&gt;</summary>
		<author><name>Nicole</name></author>	</entry>

	<entry>
		<id>http://encyclopedia.federalism.org/index.php?title=Scalia,_Antonin&amp;diff=564&amp;oldid=prev</id>
		<title>Nicole: Created page with &quot;In 1986 Antonin Scalia (1936– ) was nominated by President Ronald Reagan to serve as associate justice of the Supreme Court of the United States. Since his appointment, Scal...&quot;</title>
		<link rel="alternate" type="text/html" href="http://encyclopedia.federalism.org/index.php?title=Scalia,_Antonin&amp;diff=564&amp;oldid=prev"/>
				<updated>2017-02-03T16:29:39Z</updated>
		
		<summary type="html">&lt;p&gt;Created page with &amp;quot;In 1986 Antonin Scalia (1936– ) was nominated by President Ronald Reagan to serve as associate justice of the Supreme Court of the United States. Since his appointment, Scal...&amp;quot;&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;b&gt;New page&lt;/b&gt;&lt;/p&gt;&lt;div&gt;In 1986 Antonin Scalia (1936– ) was nominated by President Ronald Reagan to serve as associate justice of the Supreme Court of the United States. Since his appointment, Scalia’s votes have been slightly more favorable to the federal government in cases about federal-state relations than the votes of other justices appointed by Presidents Reagan and George H. W. Bush. However, his distinctive reading of the powers of Congress and the judiciary has challenged the premises of some national supremacist doctrines. Specifically, he has produced unique approaches to preemption and Commerce Clause doctrines, and he has endeavored to protect the jurisdiction of state judiciaries.&lt;br /&gt;
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In his opinions about federal preemption, which permits federal justices to void state laws when the federal law occupies the same “field,” Scalia has failed to spell out any affirmative constitutional limits to federal power over state policy making. Instead, he has examined precedents and engaged in statutory analysis to determine if there was a clear congressional effort to preempt state law. When he determined that Congress had specifically acted to preempt state authority, Scalia has voted for federal preemption (e.g., ''AT&amp;amp;T Corporation v. Iowa Utilities Board'' 1999). However, when he determined there was sufficient ambiguity in congressional language, he has written opinions (e.g., ''Printz v. United States'' 1997) or voted for the opinions of other justices (e.g., ''United States v. Lopez'' 1995 and ''United States v. Morrison'' 2000) that held the federal government interfered with the independence of state governments as protected by the Guarantee Clause or the Tenth Amendment.&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;gallery&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
Scalia, Antonin.png|Antonin Scalia. Collection, The Supreme Court Historical Society. Photographed by Joseph D. Lavenburg.&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/gallery&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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Scalia has campaigned to eliminate “negative” or “dormant” Commerce Clause doctrine. This doctrine permits federal courts to void a state government’s legislation that has a discriminatory effect on interstate commerce—even when Congress has not legislated on the subject of state legislation. The doctrine has required the justices balance either the extent of the “facial discrimination” or the “undue burden” of a state regulation of interstate commerce against the value of states’ interests. Scalia’s distaste for balancing and the unbounded discretion it affords judges has caused him to call for a bright legal line—a simple determination of whether a state law discriminates against out-of-state interests. In ''Tyler Pipe Industries v. Washington State Department of Revenue'' (1987), he stated that the justices should not extend any dormant Commerce Clause doctrine and should confine their judgments to “rank discrimination against citizens of other states.” In subsequent opinions, he has elaborated his concern with limiting a dormant Commerce Clause to facial discrimination by a state against commerce originating out of state and to restrictions on state regulation of commerce established in precedent cases (e.g., ''West Lynn Creamery v. Healy'' 1994, ''Oklahoma Tax Commission v. Jefferson Lines'' 1995, and ''General Motors v. Tracy'' 1997).&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Scalia has addressed the independent authority of state courts and the nature of federal judicial supremacy, especially in cases about the Eleventh Amendment and Article III of the Constitution. In ''Hans v. Louisiana'' (1890), the Court extended the meaning of the Eleventh Amendment to prevent suits in federal court against a state by its own citizens without the state’s consent. Scalia has accepted congressional authority to develop statutory provisions that selectively override the Hans limitation. However, he dissented when the majority reduced the power of the states to consent to suits. He concluded that Hans served a valuable function in the preservation of state sovereignty and the system of federalism (e.g., ''Pennsylvania v. Union Gas Company'' 1989). When private parties in a suit are citizens of different states, under Article III of the Constitution they can sue in federal rather than state court. Since 1938 the Supreme Court has sought to limit litigants’ efforts to shop for a federal or state forum using legal standards favorable to their case. In several opinions, Scalia has endeavored to further frustrate efforts to manipulate forum selection.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Therefore, in his interpretation of the range of federal and state governmental powers, Scalia has used requirements for congressional clarity in law writing, hostility to balancing of interests by judges, and precedent—all tools of judicial interpretation—rather than a precise constitutional definition or reliance on original texts. &lt;br /&gt;
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{| class=&amp;quot;wikitable&amp;quot;&lt;br /&gt;
|-&lt;br /&gt;
| '''BIBLIOGRAPHY:''' &lt;br /&gt;
Richard A. Brisbin Jr., ''Justice Antonin Scalia and the Conservative Revival'' (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1996); and M. David Gelfand and Keith Werhan, “Federalism and Separation of Powers on a ‘Conservative’ Court: Currents and Cross-currents from Justices O’Connor and Scalia,” ''Tulane Law Review'' 64 (1990): 1443.&lt;br /&gt;
|}&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
==== Richard A. Brisbin Jr. ====&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
SEE ALSO: [[Commerce among the States]]; [[Diversity of Citizenship Jurisdiction]]; [[New Judicial Federalism]]; [[Preemption]]; [[Sovereign Immunity]]; [[United States v. Lopez]]; [[United States v. Morrison]]; [[United States v. Printz]]&lt;/div&gt;</summary>
		<author><name>Nicole</name></author>	</entry>

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